quarta-feira, 4 de abril de 2018

Alkatiri: “Hau La Iha Problema Ho Xanana”


DILI - Primeiru Ministru (PM), Mari Bin Amude Alkatiri hatete, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão tenke aprezenta relatoriu Fronteira Maritima ba Governu laos ba publiku tanba Alkariri la iha problema pesoal ho Xanana.

“Tanba nee mak Xanana Gusmão tenke aprezenta uluk relatori mai hau, laos atu aprezenta uluk ba publiku, lolos nee liu husi konsellu ministru, hau respeitu Maun boot Xanana tanba la iha problema pesoal ho Xanana,” informa PM Mari Alkatiri ba Jornalista hafoin enkontru Prezidente Republika (PR), Francisco Guterres Lu Olo, iha Palasiu Prezidensial Nicolau Lobato, Bairru Pite, Kuarta, (04/04/2018).

Xefe Governu nee dehan, nia laos atu kontra Xanana Gusmão, bainhira halo jestaun ba estadu tenke hatene fatin atu servisu ba nee signifika sentidu de estadu.

Iha parte seluk, Xefi negosiador ba Limitasaun Fronteira MAritima FM, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao hateten ona katak, nia rasik la aprezenta relatoriu ba iha governu tanba nia laos membru Governu, no ema neebe maka iha kompetensia atu aprezenta relatoriu nee ba iha iha Governu maka Adjuntu Primeiru Ministru Agio Pereira.

Notisia kompletu lee iha jornal STL edisaun Kinta (05/04/2018)

Madalena Horta | Suara Timor Lorosae

Tan Rai, Familia Dada Malu Ba Tribunal

DILI - Arguidu ho naran inisial JE hanesan primu, tenke ba hatan iha tribunal, tanba diskuti malu ho lezadu FA, hanesan rian, tan deit rai atu halo uma.

Hatan ba hahalok nee Ministeriu Publiku akuza arguidu hanesan autor material ba krime usurpasaun ba imovel iha artigu 261 kodigu penal.

Iha audensia julgamentu arguidu katak, faktus balu loos, no balu lalos.

“Uma neebe hau halo nee, lezadu nia rai, maibe antes atu halo uma nee, hau mos telefone ba lezadu, depois lezadu hatan dehan halo deit ba, nee mak hau mos halo uma hodi hela nee,” deklara nia iha sala julgamentu.

Nia deklara tan, iha mediasaun arguidu mos fo osan USD $ 1.000 no tais rua, ba iha lezadu nia oan mane, FC tanba lezadu no nia kaben, delega kompetensia ba iha nia oan mane FC, mak simu osan nee. No osan neebe fo, atu selu rai neebe sira halo uma nee.

Audensia julgamentu nee, prezide husi juis singular Jose Maria, Ministeriu Publiku reprezenta husi prokurador Hipolito Santa, arguidu hetan asistensia legal husi Defensor Publiku Marcal Mascarinhas.

Notisia kompletu lee iha jornal STL edisaun Kinta (05/04/2018)

Terezinha De Deus | Suara Timor Lorosae

Fulan Ne’e DOT Hamutuk Millaun U$105.4

DILI, (TATOLI) – Ministériu Planu no Finansas (MPF) distribui ona Dotasaun Orsamentu Temporáriu (DOT) ka duodesimál abríl 2018 ba liña ministeriál sira ne’ebé mak iha totál DOT fulan ne’e sa’e porsentu ida husi totál DOT hamutuk millaun U$105.4 ne’ebé kompara ho duodésimu marsu nian hamutuk $104.631.399 ka pursentu 99 husi tetu DOT ne’ebé signifika poupa deit $1,445,658 ka pursentu ida husi tetu DOT.

Tuir komunikadu ne’ebé TATOLI asesu ohin iha portál MPF nian katak kresimentu ne’e relasiona ho kontinuasaun prevee despeza ba atividade eleisaun ne’ebe através prosesu aprovizionamentu, servisu legál sira no eis titulár sira, RAEOA-ZEESM no infraestrutura rurál inklui aumentu ba kustu kontribuisaun finanseira internasionál.

“Durante implementasaun programa no atividade iha DOT hirak liubá, sempre la’o di’ak no hetan apresiasaun másimu husi superiór sira. Hein katak, iha fulan-abríl ne’e bele hatudu tan dezempeñu di’ak liu husi períodu sira seluk liuliu realiza atividade eleisaun iha fulan-maiu”, katak komunikadu ne’e.

Iha alokasaun DOT durante períodu janeiru to’o marsu seidauk liu tetu DOT inklui abríl nian, maski iha kresimentu husi períodu ida ba períodu seluk, maibé nafatin kumpri ba desizaun Konsellu Ministru limita de’it ba kategoria haat mak hanesan saláriu no vensimentu, bens no servisu, kapitál dezenvolvimentu no transferénsia públika.

Nune’e MPF husu nafatin atu liña ministeriál, instituisaun Estadu no Ajénsia Autónoma sira presiza kumpri nafatin prinsípiu sira ne’ebé hatuur ona ba implementasaun DOT tuirmai mak hanesan dotasaun orsamentál kobre de’it despeza ida durante períodu la liu fulan ida no dotasaun orsamentál labele liu um doze avos (1/12) husi orsamentál ne’ebé defini tiha ona tuir lei Orsamentál Jerál Estadu númeru 13/2016 ne’ebé mak tama em vigor, haktuir husi artigu 31 husi Lei Orsamentu no Jestaun Finanseira númeru 13/2009.

Sobre progresu ezekusaun DOT fevereiru 2018 konsege atinji porsentu 60.2 husi totál orsamentu hamutuk millaun 102.952.940 (ne’e esklui empréstimu). Kompozisaun kona-ba ezekusaun DOT fulan Fevereiro 2018 mak hanesan saláriu no vensimentu porsentu 88.1, bens no servisu porsentu 39.5 kapitál dezenvolvimentu porsentu 55.3, transferénsia públika porsentu 63.6 no despeza kontijénsia porsentu 76.1.

Turimai ezekusaun duodésimu janeiru 2018 atinji porsentu 66 husi totál orsamentu hamutuk millaun 101.168.285. Kompozisaun kona-ba ezekusaun DOT janeiru 2018 mak hanesan saláriu no vensimentu porsentu 83.5, bens no servisu porsentu 44.9 kapit’al dezenvolvimentu porsentu 64.3, transferénsia públika porsentu 85.3 no despeza kontijénsia porsentu 96.6.

Jornalista: Maria Auxiliadora

Foto/MPF

KAK Sensibiliza Matéria Anti Korrupsaun Ba Dirijente MT


DILI, (TATOLI) – Komisaun Anti Korrupsaun (KAK) sensibiliza matéria Anti Korrupsaun ba dirijente Ministériu Turizmu (MT) nian hodi hakle’an sira-nia koñesimentu hodi bele fasilita serbisu loroloron nomós asegura desizaun sira ne’ebé foti ligadu ho knaar diária tanba hola parte iha síklu desizaun hodi nune’e bele atinje meta programa ne’ebé ministériu tau tuir planu estratéjiku no  ajuda atu hanoin buat ne’ebé loos no ko’alia buat ne’ebé realidade nomós halo desizaun ba buat ne’ebé fó benefísiu ba komunidade.

Inspetór Gabinete Inspesaun no Auditoria Interna, MT, Celio Gonzaga Sarmento, hatete programa ida ne’e hola parte iha atividade ki’ikoan ida ba implementasaun programa reforma administrativa ne’ebé sai programa importante iha Sétimu Governu nian.

“Iha prosesu reforma adminstrativa iha administrasaun públika presiza komesa husi hadi’a hanoin, hakle’an koñesimentu direjente sira iha área relevante nune’e fó impaktu ne’ebé di’ak ba rezultadu serbisu loroloron”, Celio hatete iha Sentru Konvensaun Dili, ohin, iha ámbitu sensibilizasaun nian.

Atividade ida ne’e fó prioridade liubá nivel dirijente tanba sira mak hola parte iha síklu desizaun MT nian, nune’e espera desizaun hirak ne’ebé prodús loroloron bele fó benefísiu di’ak no kualidade.

Diretór Jerál Prevensaun Komisaun Anti Korrupsaun (KAK), Rosário de Araújo, hatete atividade ida ne’e oinsá atu kapasita dirijente sira kona-ba matéria anti korrupsaun liuliu liga ba korrupsaun, subornu nune’e bele hatene no sai hanesan matadalan ba ministériu atu informa ba funsionáriusira atu komprende lei sira.

“Se la’e ema dehan KAK ne’e sai impedimentu ba buat hotu-hotu, afinál la’e tanba ne’e ho enkontru hanesan ne’e bele esplika di’ak liután hodi dirijente sira bele hatene”.

Sensibilizasaun ida ne’e hanesan formasaun regulár ne’ebé tama iha planu KAK nian atu fó treinamentu ba funsionáriu sira oinsá mak halo prevensaun ba korrupsaun, no iha koñesimentu sobre matéria prevensaun nian.

Ministru Turizmu, Manuel Vong, dehan mákina burokrasia administrasaun públika sentralizadu iha direjente sira, nune’e sensibilizasaun ida ne’e tanba mós durante ne’e sira serbisu iha presaun nia okos no barak mak laiha korrajen atu hola desizaun tanba ligadu ho kestaun sira-nia kompeténsia maski parte ida sira iha, maibé iha parte seluk lei mós lafó dalan atubele halo.

“Iha situasaun ida ne’e entre realidade ho buat ne’ebé eskrita iha lei dalabarak ladún iha sinerjis tanba ita-nia asesór sira ne’e barak mak halo tiha lei, sira laiha background iha área turizmu nian entaun hamosu situasaun ida ne’ebé difisil ba ita-nia dirijente sira atu foti desizaun.

Ezemplu mak serbisu ne’ebé ligadu ho prestasaun serbisu ba iha otél no restaurante sira, tuir loloos MT mós iha kbiit atu taka otél balun ne’ebé halo knaar lalooos hodi loke fali fatin ne’ebé lori ema bá iha prátika prostituisaun, maibé ida ne’e la’ós kompeténsia ministériu nian enkuantu MT fó lisensa para atu opera otél no restaurante ne’e.

“Seluk kestaun administrativa ki’ikoan, ezemplu halo reuniaun presiza suratahan tende ser liu aprovizionamentu, tanba ne’e hakarak tebes atu enkoraja sira halo reforma institusionál ba lei sira ne’ebé lafavorese. Sira hotu tenke iha korajen atu iha konxiénsia atu hala’o serbisu ne’e sein iha implikasaun ba sira-nai aan rasik, maibé ba interese públiku KAK presiza fó sensibilizasaun ba sira bainhira hola medida bazea ba lei ne’ebé iha.

Jornalista: Maria Auxiliadora | Editora: Rita Almeida

Imajen: Dirijente MT partisipa iha sensibilizasaun matéria anti korrupsaun ne'ebé aprezenta husi KAK. Foto/MT.

Deskonfia Mosu Konfronta Arte-Marsiál iha Baukau


DILI: Polisia Nasionál Timor-Leste (PNTL) kaptura joven na’in tolu husi Munisípiu Baukau tanba envolve konfrontasaun. Ema hirak ne’ebé hamosu violénsia ne’e deskonfia mai husi grupu arte-marsiál sira.

Akontesimentu ne’e iha Bruma, Baukau, Sesta (30/3). Seidauk hatene klaramente kona-ba motivu husi akontesimentu ne’e tanba prosesu investigasaun sei kontinua la’o nafatin.

Prezidente Administradór Munisípiu Baukau, António Agostu Guterres hateten, seidauk hatene klaru grupu sira ne’e mai husi ne'ebé. Tanba sei dauk iha informasaun loloos.

Tanba ne’e, nia husu ba polisia sira atu kontinua buka informasaun nafatin para bele identifika grupu rua ne’e mai husi ne'ebé.

Nune’e, Adjuntu Komandante Polisia Munisípiu Baukau, superintendente Jhony Viana hateten, kazu ne’e iha ona prosesu nia laran.

Kazu ne’e rasik mós seidauk hatene ninia kronolojia, maibé tempu badak polisia sei informa motivu akontesimentu ne’e.

Maski informasaun seidauk klaru, maibé tuir fonte balun, konfrontasaun ne’e mosu husu grupu rua arte-marsiál Persaudaraan Setia Hati Terate (PSHT) no Kmanek Oan Timor Rai Klaran (KORK). 

Tomé Amado | Independente

TR Halo Sorteiu Ba Lista Parpol, PEP Numeru Primeiru, AMP Ultimu


DILI - Tribunal Rekursu iha loron 03/04/2018, halo sorteiu ba lista partidus politikus sira, atu kompete iha eleisaun antisipada. Iha numeru sorteiu nee, PEP numeru primei no ultimu mak AMP.

Lia hirak nee, hatoo husi Prezidente Tribunal Rekursu Deolindo Dos Santos, bainhira remata sorteiu nee, iha Tribunal Rekursu Tersa, (03/04/2018).

“Ohin ita halo sorteiu ba lista kandidatura ualu, lista neebe aprezenta mai sanulu, iha 28 desizaun primeru sai dehan katak, lista kandidatura neebe bele tuir nee, ualu deit. Iha prazu loron ida nia laran, neebe sente katak, prejudikadu ho desizaun primeru nee, bele rekore. Iha lista kandidatura rua mak rekore, mai tribunal rekursu kolektivu nian, maibe tribunal rekursu deside iha loron Sabadu 31/04/2018, mantem nafatin desizaun neebe hasai ona, lista kandidatura admitidu atu konkore elisaun iha 12 de Maiu 2018, ho lista kandidatura ualu deit,” dehan Deolindo.

Nia afirma tan, buletim de votus nee, sei atribui tuir sekuensia sorteiu neebe halao ona nee, lista primeru mak PEP, segundu PD, terseru PR, kuartu FRETILIN, kintu MSD, sexto MDN, setimo FDD, ikus liu mak AMP.

Iha fatin hanesan Diretor Nasional STAE, Acelino Manuel Branco hateten, faze ba kandidatura remata horiseik, tribunal hatoo ona desizaun final, sobre kandidatura difinitivu ba iha STAE, tuir loron tolu tutuir malu, STAE halo ona publikasaun ba media komunikasaun hotu.

Notisia kompletu lee iha jornal STL edisaun Kuarta (04/04/2018).
Terezinha De Deus | Suara Timor Lorosae

The Mountains: Timor Leste's Blessing and Curse


Difficult geography helped Timorese survive colonization and invasion. But now, it’s a roadblock to growth.

By Edward Cavanough | The Diplomat

DILI — If there’s one piece of advice you can’t escape when traveling in Timor-Leste, it is to get out of the capital and head inland.

For the East Timorese, the mountains hold a special reverence. While surrounded by bountiful oceans, rich in both contested resources and plentiful fauna, the East Timorese have always looked toward the highlands — towards the safety of their clouded, vast interior — not out to sea.

The mountains have long provided sanctuary for the Timorese. During the four centuries of Portuguese rule, the colonists barely explored the hinterland. One local told me that during their rule, the Portuguese only managed to build several kilometers of roads.

Their exploration of the island was so minimal that it was not until the early 20th century, according to Beloved Land author Gordon Peake, that the Portuguese even charted the entire island: “Even in the latter half of the 19th century, fewer than 100 colonists lived beyond the city… for centuries, no one seemed particularly certain even of where the island ended.”

As the Portuguese held firm on the coast, Timorese looked down from the hills above, often detached from their distant occupiers. Once Portugal decolonized, the Indonesians invaded, and the mountains again provided safe haven.

In addition to the tenacity of the East Timorese, the 24-year long resistance survived largely because of the challenges imposed by the terrain Suharto’s men were trying to conquer. The Timorese resisted from their mountain holdouts, with a rich clandestine network of dissidents whispering information through the valleys in a way no occupying force could ever entirely stop.

While a third of East Timor’s population wouldn’t survive Indonesia’s occupation, in the end Suharto’s war became unwinnable.

But Timor-Leste’s relationship with its geography is complicated.

Long an enabler of Timorese independence, the island’s mountains are now a chief adversary in Dili’s quest to link the nation.


“The Mountains Saved Us”

In the wicker chairs of Hotel Timor’s lobby cafe, my host introduced me to Josh — a seasoned political activist — and two newlyweds, Antonio and his Indonesian wife, Kiki, who’d expatriated themselves to London but were back celebrating their wedding.

We talked about history and about the  future.

For Josh, his childhood was one of chaos and tumult in a mountain community.

Like so many middle aged East Timorese, Josh’s upbringing was defined by conflict. Seemingly fatigued by my line of questioning about his childhood, he directed me to a blog post, where he chronicles his vivid, heartbreaking memories:

“One of my extended grandmothers was blown into pieces by a bomb,” he writes. “A direct hit I think. My family had to gather the flesh and bones scattered on the ground in order to bury her.”

I asked about life growing up in the mountains during those harrowing years after the Indonesian invasion.

“The mountains saved us,” Josh told me, arguing the sanctuary of the hinterland provided cover from the invaders. “But now, they stand in our way…they make development very difficult.”

Younger and from the capital, Antonio bore witness to some of the pivotal moments in the lead up to East Timor’s independence in 1999. He was on the streets on the day of the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre, when Indonesian militia shot up to 250 Timorese, and remembers the regular violence in Dili through the decade leading up to independence.

“I’m heading to Ramelau tomorrow,” I told them, as we finished our coffees. Antonio, a former UN driver with an intimate knowledge of the mountain roads, insisted he take me.


The Broken Road to Ramelau

Just 72 kilometers from Dili, I rationalized that my trip to Ramelau might take the best part of a morning. After a night in Hatu Builico — the closest town to Ramelau’s summit — I’d saunter to the top, take in the much-touted views, and head back to the capital to rest my hiker’s legs as I watched the sun set below the Savu Sea.

I was wrong.

In 2011, a Ministry of Finance and World Bank review identified that only 20 percent of Timor-Leste’s roads are traversable in two-wheel drive vehicles. While an additional 54 percent of roads are theoretically passable without a four-wheel drive, the review conceded that “conditions were so bad that they were likely to cause damage to these vehicles.”

Antonio and Kiki picked me up early in a beaten up Toyota Land Cruiser, and filled to the brim with what appeared to be Antonio’s entire extended family: four squeezed in the back seat, another six in the tray.

Mt. Ramelau is one of the few tourist destinations in a country struggling to build its tourism industry.

Timor Leste is not only suffering a distinct lack of tourist infrastructure — it often lacks any infrastructure at all. Though roads are being built, the pace of construction is slow. Just getting to Hatu Builico would be a challenge few day-hikes could rival.

The first hour of the drive out of Dili was adequate: well-paved, if dangerously driven. But soon the road — one of the major thoroughfares in the country — gives way to near-unpassable stretches of feet-deep potholes and mud. Entire sections of road that have simply collapsed as wet-season storms wreak havoc in the hills.

We ambled up the hillside, frequently halted in extensive traffic jams, while drivers exited their vehicles to inspect the obstacles, and strategically plot their path forward.

Toward Maubisse, spatterings of beautiful, smooth Chinese-built tarmac tease grateful commuters before the next inevitable bone-rattling section.

Just 20 kilometers from Hatu Builico, we were told by locals it would be another four to five hours before Ramelau was in our sights.

Soon, the deep mud became all-consuming. Truckers gave up, lining the roads waiting for the afternoon sun to firm up their path just enough to get them moving again.

Motorcyclists waded in their flip-flops through the mud, dragging their heavy bikes — wheels clogged with thick earth — along at glacial speeds.

Arriving in Hatu Builico, I noted the time. It had been 7 hours since Dili.


Then the Storms Came

As I settled in that night in my empty hotel, so did the wet-season storms. I maintained a stubborn confidence that the clouds would break, and I’d get have a clear run to Southeast Asia’s finest vantage points when I was to start climbing the peak at 3 am.

But by then the downpour was only heavier. Little had changed by sunrise. And instead of climbing to Timor’s highest peak, I was advised to get out of Hatu Builico as quick as I could: the single-lane rocky path linking it to the world was bearing the brunt of the storm, and stretches would soon become impassable.

With Antonio back in Dili already, I hitched a ride on the back of a local’s motorbike. Over two treacherous hours, riding through driving rain, past fallen trees and in ten meter visibility, my rider carefully plotted our path back toward calmer weather.

I’d managed to get down from the mountain. But I was struck: here, in a country desperate for tourists, its major attraction is all but inaccessible.

For me, this arduous trip to the mountains had been exhilarating joy ride. But for the locals, it is a brutal burden. For a country desperate to improve its economic standing, the lack of infrastructure and accessibility is a debilitating handbrake on progress.


Could a Gas Windfall Overcome Timor Leste’s Geographic Disadvantages?

Overcoming Timor-Leste’s topographical disadvantages requires enormous investment.

Roads are coming, slowly, but their construction is largely funded by aid, and built by Chinese companies often employing Chinese labor. Chinese-branded trucks and equipment, alongside Chinese foremen, were a common sight on the road to Ramelau.

Some argue a gas pipeline to the south of the nation could provide the economic boost and high-skilled jobs sorely needed outside of the capital, as well as injecting further capital into the country to allow it to invest further roads and infrastructure.

Xanana Gusmao, Timor-Leste’s independence hero and former prime minister, certainly believes so. Leading negotiations with Australia over shared gas resources, he has insisted that the resources in the Greater Sunrise gas reserve be piped to southern Timor-Leste for processing.

His hardline stance has been popular in election-season Timor-Leste, with Gusmao returning to a hero’s welcome in Dili in the wake of the negotiations.

However, other observers are less certain. Some would prefer to see the economy diversified, and there is some evidence that the value of the gas reserves to Timor-Leste’s south are overhyped.

Whatever the outcome, it will take a titanic effort to tame Timor’s unyielding geography.

The mountains have defined Timor-Leste’s past. For better or worse, they’ll define its future.

*Edward Cavanough is a freelance writer from Sydney, Australia, and the former Manager of Policy at The McKell Institute, a leading Australian think-tank. In 2018, he is traveling overland from Adelaide to London, writing at www.oneroadtolondon.com

Photo’s by Edward Cavanough:
1 - The old bus is the public transport possible

2 - Highland crags of Timor-Leste
3 - The main street of Maubisse in Timor-Leste 
4 - Two men take shelter from the pouring rain

On Jeju, Korea’s island of ghosts, the dead finally find a voice


70 years ago, an estimated 30,000 people were massacred in an anti-communist blitz on today's vacation island of Jeju. Now, fingers point at America

By ANDREW SALMON | ASIA TIMES

Go Wan-soon won’t forget the day the soldiers came.  Then seven years old, she was sitting in her home in the seaside village of Bukchon  when troops burst in. Go, her mother and three-year-old brother were herded outside at bayonet point. Houses were going up in flames. They were dragged to the yard of the elementary school, which was ringed by soldiers.

“It was crowded, full of people,” she recalled. “I thought, ‘Why so many? What is it?’” Many people, she noticed, were holding hands.

Fearfully, Go sat behind a low wall. When her little brother wailed, a soldier smashed him over the head with a stick. “He went very silent.” Then Go heard the ripping sound of automatic gunfire. People toppled to the ground.

She “crawled like an ant” through a nightmare. “I saw a bloody leg, I saw a baby on top of a mother’s breast, looking for milk, but the mother was already dead,” she said. “Heads were separated, all the bodies were mixed together, the soil was dark with blood – it shone in the sun.”

Go sheltered in a narrow street. “All the houses were burning, ashes were flying around,” she said. An old woman sat in front of her blazing home, her hair on fire. Soldiers appeared. Go heard the click of rifle bolts, then a jeep pulled up. A voice ordered, “Cease fire!”

The troops departed. The village had been attacked in revenge for the death of two soldiers, killed nearby in an ambush by partisans.

In the smoldering ruins, “bodies lay scattered like radishes in a field,” Go said. Among the dead lay her aunt, breasts and belly ripped open by bayonets.

She was instructed to cover cadavers with blankets “so crows would not peck out their eyes.” Go, now 77, paused in her account. “When I remember, it breaks my heart.”

In the months that followed, there were more traumas. Her uncle “disappeared” – she heard soldiers had tied rocks to his body and hurled him into the sea. Her little brother died from the after-effects of his head wound. Go almost died of starvation in the ruins.

And at night, she heard of spectral encounters. “People said they saw a white skirt, a white top – there were ghosts,” she said. “I could not go to some places, I was so scared.”

Bukchon was, in fact, just a small part of a much wider tragedy. Goh is one of the last witnesses to what Koreans today call “Sa-Sam” (literally “4:3” or April 3rd), the biggest – but probably least known – massacre in recent Korean history. Up to 30,000 people were killed on Jeju Island amid a murderous counter-insurgency campaign in 1948-49, prior to the Korean War, which started in June 1950.

Black secrets of a sunlit paradise

This gruesome history is not known by most of the millions of Chinese who visit Jeju (also spelled Cheju), 80 kilometers off South Korea’s south coast, with visa-free access, or the South Korean honeymooners who flock here.

Dubbed “the Hawaii of Korea,” Jeju is famed for its sparkling water, women divers and picturesque dormant volcano, Mount Halla. It welcomes visitors with brochures advertising mazes, a dinosaur theme park, a “Hello Kitty” museum – even a museum of eroticism. Few visitors are aware that Jeju International Airport’s runway was paved over a mass grave.

Today, President Moon Jae-in spoke at a ceremony on the island to mark the 70th anniversary of the uprising, the massacre, and the decades-long cover-up.

“Despite the lingering tragedy and deep sorrows that have led to tears, spring will blossom here in Jeju like late blossoms in full bloom,” he told a crowd of thousands. “You have not forgotten the incident… we are overcoming the time of silence.”

A message of reconciliation from Pope Francis was also read out.

‘Red hunt’

In 1945, Korea was divided by the USA and the USSR following the defeat of Imperial Japan. In the South, UN-mandated elections were scheduled for May 1948 against considerable opposition; both Labor Party leftists and some nationalists resisted on the grounds that elections would reinforce division. In a demonstration in Jeju on March 1, a child was trampled by police and six demonstrators shot. A general strike spurred hundreds of arrests.

On April 3, 1948 – the date from which the subsequent conflagration takes its name – 500 to 700 partisans attacked police outposts island-wide. Some had ties to North Korea; others were aggrieved at local misgovernance. So significant are the day’s events that in “The War for Korea, 1945-50” (2005, University of Kansas Press) US military historian Allan Millett considers 4:3 the start of the Korean War. The conventional date, however, is 25 June 1950, when North Korea invaded South Korea.

In response, Seoul deployed police, troops and – most notoriously – the “Northwest Youth Corps,” a paramilitary manned by fanatical Christians who had been forced to flee North Korea. Adding to the distrust, some troops deserted and joined partisans in the hills.

With the line between combatants and non-combatants blurred, a “Red hunt” was unleashed across Jeju’s 700 square miles. The population was herded into coastal villages protected by militias with bamboo spears; Jeju’s rugged interior became a free-fire zone. On this killing ground, subject to scorched-earth tactics, people hid from sweeps in volcanic caves and tunnels. There, in claustrophobic blackness, they were hunted by troops using thermite grenades. Villages were razed. Bloodied bodies of dead partisans were displayed in public. Many of those captured were shipped to mainland prisons, never to return.

Only in the campaign’s final stages were amnesties offered and aid distributed. Seoul declared victory in April 1949, but there were more killings ahead. Hundreds of leftists were shot in 1950 in the early stage of the Korean War, in “preventative execution.” Jeju officials today estimate a total butcher’s bill of 25-30,000 dead – 10% of the island’s population, a fifth of them women.

Cover-up, remembrance and reconciliation

Members of the Northwest Youth Group settled on Jeju, establishing churches and communities; some became senior figures in the police and politics. And under military governments in Seoul, what happened on the “Red Island” was suppressed for decades. A memorial raised by islanders to their dead was destroyed in the 1960s. In 1978 a sympathetic novel about the massacre was published, but withdrawn shortly after and its author imprisoned.

Anyone connected to partisans was ostracized. “I could not get a job, I could not speak out,” said Go, the massacre survivor. “Everyone thought Bukchon people were communists: I had to give up all my dreams.”

Bereaved families were silent. “It is very easy, even today, to blame someone saying, ‘You are a communist, you are pro-North Korea!’” said Kim Eun-hee, head of research at the Jeju 4:3 Peace Memorial. “If anyone was related to the uprising, they could not get a job; if you were the bereaved family members of police or army, it was different.”

It was only after democratization in 1987 that a Jeju newspaper was able to start an investigation. Books, films and TV dramas followed. Finally, liberal president Roh Moo-hyun visited Jeju and delivered an apology in 2003.

Today, some 109 civic groups, funded largely by the island’s local government, research, excavate remains and commemorate the killings. The Jeju 4:3 Peace Memorial was raised in 2000. It includes a domed shrine with names of the dead, plus 4,000 graves of those lost in prisons on the mainland, and a museum.

Even today, the extent of the killings remains little known; many still find it hard to break the habit of years gone by and speak out. “A Korea History for International Readers” (Humanist, 2010) by the Association of Korean History Teachers devotes entire chapters to Japanese colonial atrocities; yet the Korean-on-Korean killings on Jeju merit one line.

“Not many people know what happened on this island 70 years ago,” said Yang Yoon-kyung, chairman of the 60,000-member Association of Bereaved Families. “This pains us.”

Across Jeju, there is an almost desperate urge to inform the world. Last month, a restaurateur refused payment for drinks, imploring a visiting reporter to write the story. “Please let people know,” pleaded Kim.

Still, there are contradictory narratives about “4:3.”

While some partisans certainly had North Korean connections, Jeju tour guides label them pan-Korean nationalists. Go, the massacre survivor, is even-handed. “During the day, the soldiers and police bullied us,” she said. “At night, the armed resistance came down and bullied us.”

The numbers killed are questioned by some. Millett, in his history, cites census figures between 1946 (233,445) and 1949 (253,164) which actually show a rise in the island’s population. But even Millett concedes that the peace won was “Carthaginian” – a reference to the city famously annihilated by Rome.

There are no surviving partisans: Only a handful escaped to Japan. The victors – those who did the killing – never confessed and were never punished for their excesses. “Not a single person has spoken up from the police or paramilitaries,” Kim said. “Maybe they are ashamed.”

Still, there have been reconciliatory moves between representatives of victims and the security forces. “Every year, we meet and we pay respects at different memorial parks; we go together,” said Han Ha-young, chairman of the Jeju City branch of the Bereaved Families Association. “The police officers were also victims.”

Younger people dispute this. “Deep inside their hearts, they still hate each other,” said Kim. “We are very uncomfortable with the word ‘reconciliation,’” a tour guide admitted.

America’s role?

While no US troops were directly engaged, the April uprising started under the US Military Government in Korea, which held power from September 1945 to August 1948. US officers – though critical of the Jeju governor – advised and supplied South Korean forces and praised counter-insurgency operations, while US vessels patrolled the waters, intercepting insurgents boats.

“I feel that the US government was heavily responsible for this, it happened during the US military government,” said Yang Jo-hoon, chairperson of the Jeju 4-3 Peace Foundation. “Now is the moment to ask the US for responsibility.”

Members of the Bereaved Families Association have met US academics, researchers and individual senators, but were advised to make Jeju a government-government issue. To this end, the foundation is collecting 100,000 signatures for a petition to present to US officials.

However, Moon, in his remarks today, made no mention of the US role or responsibility.

Survivors of the “4:3 incident” are passing, but 70 years later, still bear psychological scars. “We have depression, we are traumatized,” Go said. Recalling the post-massacre lack of food, she said, “I still cannot bear it when my stomach is empty – I feel scared.”

In Bukchon – known as “The Village with No Men” after the massacre – body-sized black stones are crafted in a memorial artwork. It includes a rough, rock sculpture of a dead, nursing mother. A more intimate monument of black stone erected to commemorate the dead children stands in a copse of pines where the wind blows in from the sea. Visitors have placed sweets and toys in its recesses.

In her twilight years, Go finds some contentment in the monuments and freedom to speak. “This is the peak of my life: I am happy I can speak up about those killed souls,” she said. “Now, I am ready to die in front of you.”

Governu Fó Pose ba Membru Konsellu Administrasaun Foun RTTL-Ep


DILI, (TATOLI)  – Governu bazea despaxu Primeiru-Ministru, nú.14/GPM/2018 ho data 20 marsu fó pose ba membru Konsellu Administrasaun foun Rádiu Televizaun Timor-Leste, Empreza Públika (RTTL-Ep) na’in neen ho mandatu tinan haat.

Emposadu sira ne’e mak Marcelino Ximenes Magno, Sebastiana da Costa Perreira, Tito de Jesus Filipe da Costa, Altide Maria Costa Santos, David Aparício Guterres (indikadu husi Ministériu Planu no Finansa, la partisipa iha pose) no Elsa de Jesus Ximenes (eleitu husi Asembleia Traballadór RTTL-Ep).

“Hodi primeiru-ministru nia naran hato’o parabéns ba maluk na’in neen, ne’ebé hetan fiar hodi apoiu prezidente RTTL-Ep, nune’e bele lidera instituisaun ida ne’e hodi la’o tuir hanoin, vizaun no misaun estadu”, kongratula Ministru Prezidensiál Konsellu Ministru, Adriano do Nascimento, ba emposadu sira ne’e iha Palásiu Governu, ohin.

Saida mak RTTL-Ep halo ona, hanesan ministru, Adriano do Nascimento, hodi governu, primeiru-ministru no sekretáriu estadu nia naran, fó esperansa nafatin ba emposadu sira, atu hasa’e kualidade informasaun, hatudu profesionalizmu, nu’udar jornalista.

“Tanba ne’e ha’u hanoin, ita-boot sira hamutuk ho funsionáriu, diretór sira, ha’u fiar katak ita-boot sira sei halo di’ak liutan”, garante governante ne’e.

Nia mós husu atu labele halakon esperansa telespetadór sira, povu sira. “Tanba ne’e presiza hatuur ita-boot sira-nia aan nu’udar ema ne’ebé fó informasaun, informasaun atuál, fatuál atu nune’e fiar sira bele mosu iha ne’ebá atu nune’e konfiansa mosu”, akresenta ministru Adriano.

Prezidente RTTL-EP, Gil da Costa, iha nia intervensaun, hateten ho prezensa emposadu na’in ne’en ne’e, nia sei forte liutan, hodi bele hamutuk hodi dezenvolve RTTL-EP.

“Ita sei promove, dezenvolve rai doben ida ne’e, tuir ita-nia misaun, haburas unidade, hodi ita promove demokrasia, haburas dezenvolvimentu no garante unidade nasionál”, akresenta autoridade másima orgaun komunikasaun sosiál publiku ne’e.

Asina termu pose, emposadu na’in neen ne’e asiste direta husi Ministru Prezidensiál Konsellu Ministru, Adriano do Nascimento, Sekretáriu Komunikasaun Sosiál, Matias Boavida no Prezidente RTTL-Ep, Gil da Costa no seluk tan.

Reprezentante emposadu sira, Marcelino Magno, akresenta sei serbisu, tane aas interese estadu no interese povu nian.

Emposadu na’in ne’en ne’e, molok hetan pose, sira-nia naran públika ona iha Jornál Repúblika ho númeru estraordináriu.

Jornalista: Rafy Belo | Editora: Rita Almeida

ESJ 5 de Maiu Bandu Estudante Lori Telefone Tama Aula


DILI, (TATOLI) - Ensinu Sekundáriu Jerál (ESJ) 5 de Maiu bandu nia estudante na’in 1700 liu, atu lori telefone tama aula bainhira prosesu aprendizajen la’o tan konsidera katak estudante sira sei la aproveita estudu ho di’ak tanba ne’e eskola refere preokupa.

Diretór ESJ 5 de Maiu, Manuel Verdial akresenta, internet ligadu ho rede sosiál sira ne’e importante tan halo kompletu siénsia no koñesimentu ne’ebé ita seidauk estuda ka aprende kumpletu, fasilita ita nu’udar estudante, universitáriu aprende lais liután no garante servisu sira ho efetivu no organizadu liu, nune’e tenke uza ho di’ak.

“Ami preokupa mak buat ida importante, labarik sira uza sala; uza fali iha tempu aprendizajen la’o, labarik sira dala ruma tau hela eskutadór ba sira-nia tilun, dala ruma hamnasa mesamesak, mas labarik sira la preokupa saida mak profesór sira hanorin,” dehan diretór Manuel Verdial, ba Ajénsia TATOLI, iha nia kna’ar fatin, ESJ 5 de Maiu, Becora, Díli, ohin.

Estabelesimentu ensinu ne’e konvida ona inan-aman eh enkaregadu edukasaun nian hodi halo diskusaun kona-ba kriasaun regra no preokupasaun sira ne’ebé mak eskola deteta hamutuk ho inan-aman sira hodi buka meius atu solusiona.

Tanba, telefone, ligadu ho internet no iha aplikasaun sira hanesan facebook, whatsapp no seluktan, tuir loloos uza atu kontaktu eh halo komunikasaun ruma ho instituisaun formál sira hanesan bombeiru, PNTL (Polísia Nasionál Timor-Leste), ospitál inklui inan-aman sira kazu iha urjénsia ruma, maibé dalaruma estudante sira uza fali ba hodi ba pasear, satan ho farda eskola nian. Inan-aman la hatene, sira mai sala aula ka lae?

Eskola preokupa ida ne’e. Telefone uza iha tempu livre la’ós iha tempu aprendijazen. Iha aprendizajen, uza telefone bainhira halo diskusaun, semináriu ruma no seluktan karik presiza, atu nune’e bele kumpleta liutan kumprensaun hodi dinamiza diskusaun sira nune’e bele akadémiku, bele iha jeitu, ajuda duni ita atu iha prinsípiu hodi bele lori ita-nia kualidade ensinu la’o ba oin.

“Tanba ne’e eskola tau regra ida rigorozu tebes. Telefone ami hetan iha sala, bainhira prosesu aprendijazen, labarik [estudante] nia direitu tomak iha prosesu aprendizajen ami kansela totál,” insiste diretór Manuel Verdial.

“Ha’u haree ida ne’e [uza telefone iha aula] sei implika ba futuru, dezenvolvimentu nasionál, entaun ami proibe, melarang keras, uza iha tempu sira hanesan ne’e,” reforsa tan ezekutivu 5 de Maiu ne’e.

Nia parte arepende bainhira haree estudante, karik uza telefone ligadu ho internet dalaruma la tuir dalan liliu uza linguajen mal edukadu sira ka tolok. “Dalaruma ha’u kecewa, inan-aman mak fraku ka? Instituisaun mak fraku ka? Eh ita hothotu la hatene, ita hothotu loke hela ita-nia aan livre, labarik sira la hatene sira-nia maturidade hodi uza buat sira hanesan ne’e. ida ne’e mak eskola nia preokupasaun, la hakmatek to’o agora,” Diretór Manuel Verdial preokupa.

Diretór ne’e mós relata katak bainhira sorumutu ho inan-aman estudante sira nian sira koopera ho inisiativa ida ne’e. Nune’e parte eskola nian mós entregra manuál regulamentu interna eskola nian ba inan-aman ka enkaregadu sira ne’e hodi bele reforsa esplika ba oan sira iha tempu ka oras oportunu sira.

“Ami diskute, inan-aman apoiu, eskola nia planu, regra ne’ebé eskola fó, ajuda tebes inan-aman sira, garante kualidade vida, kualidade ensinu iha labarik [estudante] sira garante iha futuru, hodi kompete buat ruma iha ita-nia nasaun,” nia informa.

“Buat sira ne’e hotu, bainhira ita iha kuriozidade, ita iha interese, kemauan keras atu bele deskobre, ha’u hanoin ita mós labele sai bainaka iha ita-nia nasaun. Ne’ebé sira konkorda la halimar, S3 oituan mak ha’u halo regra di’ak ema barak gosta mai 5 de Maiu. Agora sala 13 de’it, ho profesór na’in 48,” informa tan diretór ne’e.

Diretór ESJ 5 de Maiu Manuel Verdial, rekomenda ba inan-aman eh enkaregadu sira atu koopera malu nafatin ho eskola hodi oan sira susesu. “Mai ita serbisu hamutuk para ita lori ita-nia labarik sira; imi nia oan, ami-nia oan, ita-nia oan no timoroan. Se nia sai matenek serbisu iha rai Timor, Timor naran morin. Ida ne’e mak ita-nia susesu, serbisu maka’as!,” nia apela.

Ba estudante sira, nia sujere katak nu’udar futuru nasaun nian estudante eh ita hotu tenke uza internet nu’udar timoroan, uza nu’udar nasaun ida independente, demokrátiku hodi bele akompaña dinámika mundiál, refleta ita-nia aan hodi bele partisipa iha dezenvolvimentu mundiál. Nune’e tenke uza ho maturidade.

Timoroan sira-nia prezensa iha ne’ebé de’it ema sei la dúvida, iha kontestu kultura, karakter no seluk tan hodi defende no tane aas nafatin indepedénsia Timor-Leste nian ne’ebé rezulta husi sakrifísiu beiala sira, mate hodi defende. Nu’udar estudante, jerasaun foun, ita defende indepedénsia ho dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé kualidade.

“Ha’u-nia rekomenda, uza telefone, hanesan matadalan, uza buat ne’ebé iha ho kuidadu, tulun imi [estudante], atu imi bele sente buat ida ne’ebé pozitivu tebes, hodi lori imi, garante iha futuru ida, hodi la sai atan iha imi-nia nasaun,” diretór Manuel Verdial fó hanoin.

Estudante sira ne’ebé eskola iha estabelesimentu ensinu publiku ne’e apresia ho inisiativa ESJ 5 de Maiu relasiona ho regulamentu ne’e tan konsidera importante hodi regula sira nune’e bele fokus ba matéria sira bainhira aprendijazen la’o.

“Entaun ami-nia diretór kria regra ne’e, atu nune’e bele halo ami kumpre no tuir regra sira ne’ebé iha eskola 5 de Maiu ne’e,” dehan estudante segundu ano, Cristovão de Araújo Lopes Soares.

Nune’e mós, Felizarda Constantina da Costa, estudante ESJ 05 de Maiu ida reforsa tan: “Telefone ne’e labele lori tama iha eskola laran. Tanba ne’e, regra ne’e di’ak hodi halo estudante sira fokus,” nia konklui.

Jornalista: Rafy Belo | Editór: Manuel Pinto

Imajen: Diretór ESJ 5 de Maio, Manuel Verdial. Foto Fontes

UE Kontinua Apoia TL


DÍLI, (TATOLI) - Uniaun Europeia liuhusi nia delegasaun iha Timor-Leste [TL], lidera husi embaixadór Alexandre Leitão, kontinua apoia orsamentu ba governu Timor-Leste, liuhusi Komité Pilotajen Programa Indikativu Nasionál [PIN].

Komité Pilotajen reúne Servisu Ordenadór Nasionál [SON] husi Fundu Europeu ba Dezenvolvimentu [FED], atualmente sob tutela direta iha Primeiru-Ministru, organizmu ministeriál sira seluk, Delegasaun Uniaun Europeia no reprezentante ajénsia ezekusaun projetu sira ba Kooperasaun Europeia iha Timor-Leste.

“Uniaun Europeia kontinua aposta iha mekanizmu apoiu orsamentál, liuhusi buat ne’ebé kontrata ho estadu parseiru sira objetivu operasionál sira hodi atinji no transfere diretamente ba tezouru montante finanseiru korrespondente ba objetivu atinjidu sira,” refere komunikadu UE ba Ajénsia TATOLI, ohin.

Tanba ne’e, kompete ba estadu hodi jere nia rekursu para alkansa meta sira, ho liberdade tomak no instrumentu apoiu orsamentál-ne’ebé mak UE nu’udar doadór úniku hodi utiliza daudaun ne’e-konstitui konfiansa iha kapasidade autoridade timoroan sira hodi dezenvolve polítika adekuada sira no respeitu kompromisu estabelesidu.

Parseiru entre Uniaun Europeia ho Timor-Leste ne’e atu apoiu dezenvolvimentu sustentável liuhusi reforsu efisiénsia, integridade, transparénsia, prestasaun kontas no orientasaun ba sidadaun liuhusi servisu públiku sira, liña ho Planu Dezenvolvimentu Estratéjiku 2011-2030, liuhusi reforsu kapasidade atór estatál sira (hanesan Parlamentu Nasionál, Tribunál Rekursu/Kâmara Kontas ka Polísia Investigasaun Kriminál) no naun estatál sira.

UE no Timor-Leste, antes ne’e, iha 30 marsu 2017, asina ona Akordu Finansiamentu relativu ho 11º FED, ho valór euro millaun 95 (maizumenus 117 millaun dolar ho kámbiu atuál) no valór ne’e kontempla programa prinsipál rua hanesan: “Parceria para melhorar os serviços públicos através do reforço da Gestão e Supervisão das Finanças Públicas” [PFMO] e a “Parceria Sustentável no Sector Agro-florestal” [PSAF].

Ezekusaun programa ida ne’e deklinada iha projetu boot neen no sei finansia husi Uniaun Europeia liuhusi modalidade prinsipál rua. Ida, apoiu orsamentál direta ba governu iha área Nutrisaun, Jestaun no Supervizaun Finansa Públika no hadi’a servisu públiku sira iha ámbitu desentralizasaun.

Rua, delegasaun ezekusaun iha ajénsia kooperasaun sertifikada sira, liuliu (GIZ-Ajénsia Kooperasaun Alemaña) ba PSAF, Camões I.P. (Portugal) ba PFMO no Organizasaun Internasionál Traballu nian hodi forma emprendedór lokál sira ba konstrusaun no reabilitasaun estrada rurál sira.

Entretantu Primeiru-Ministru, Marí Alkatiri, hateten UE kontinua apoiu aselera prosesu dezenvolvimentu rurál, edukasaun, kapasidade institusionál, bee moos no saniamentu, mudansa Klimátika, dezenvolvimento setór privadu, interasaun ekonómika no seluktán.

ʺKoperasaun ne’e  ho Timor-Leste ba tinan lima mai kuaze milloen atus ida resin dollar no iha Euro 95 milloen, tanba ne’e ohin atu ita halo programa para bele hetan apoiu hosi Uniaun Europeiaʺ, hateten PM.

Jornalista: Rafy Belo | Editór : Manuel Pinto

Prezidente TR Fó Votu Susesu ba ParPol


DILI, (TATOLI) – Prezidente Tribunál Rekursu (PTR), Deolindo do Santos, fó votu susesu ba partidu polítiku (ParPol) hafoin orgaun judisiál halo sorteiru ba lista partidu ualu ne’ebé definitivu konkore iha eleisaun antesipada 12 maiu 2018.

“Ohin dada sorteiu termina, susesu ba partidu polítiku (ParPol) sira iha kampaña eleitorál to’o eleisaun, susesu dame nia laran”, hato’o iha TR, ohin.

Hosi rezultadu sorteiu, Partidu Esperansa Pátria (PEP) mak iha númeru dahuluk, Partidu Demokrátiku (PD) iha númeru daruak, Partidu Repúblikanu (PR) iha númeru datolu, Frente Revolusionária Timor-Leste Independente (FRETILIN) iha númeru da-haat, Movimentu Sosiál Demokrata (MSD) iha númeru da-lima, Movimentu Dezenvolvimentu Nasionál (MDN) iha númeru da-neen, Frente Dezenvolvimentu Demokrátiku (FDD) iha númeru da-hitu no Aliansa Mudansa ba Progresu (AMP) iha númeru da-ualu.

Partidu hirak ne’e sei koloka iha buletim votu tuir sekuénsia númeru sorteiu eh buletim votu sei organiza tuir númeru ordem.

Nune’e, antes atu haruka ba Sekretariadu Tékniku Administrasaun Eleitorál (STAE) nia husu ParPol hirak ne’ebé definitivu atu konfirma kuandu naran, sigla ruma sei iha erru tanba kuandu imprensaun iha buletim votu ita sei labele halo mudansa.

Iha fatin hanesan, Diretór STAE, Acilino Manuel Branco, akresenta hafoin sorteiru TR sei haruka númeru ordem ParPol sira atu konkore iha eleisaun antesipada ba orgaun eleitorál atu bele ajusta modelu buletim.

Enkuantu, Acilino Branco husu ba partidu hotu atu aprezenta modelu sigla, naran no seluk tan atu ajusta ba modelu buletim votu hafoin sira halo apresiasaun.

“Ita kontaktu ona partidu polítiku atu aprezenta sira nia naran partidu, sigla ne’ebé balun sei hetan erru, nune’e bele hadi’a”, katak.

Hafoin STAE sei lori ba Komisaun Nasionál ba Eleisaun (CNE-sigla portugés) atu halo akreditasaun ba modelu buletim votu depois ba halo imprensaun iha gráfika nasionál.

Iha 3 abril sei termina prosesu imprensaun hafoin entrega fali ba STAE atu bele halo distribuisaun ba rai laran no rai liur (diáspora).

Jornalista: Zezito Silva | Editora: Rita Almeida

Imajen: Prezidente Tribunál Rekursu, Deolindo dos Santos, bainhira fó sai númeru sorteiu partidu polítiku ne'ebé sei konkore iha eleisaun antesipada iha Kaikoli, ohin. Foto Tatoli/Egas Cristovão