quinta-feira, 22 de março de 2018

Lei La Autoriza Governu Foti Fundu Mina Rai

DILI -  Reprezentante povu iha uma fukun Parlamentu Nasional, husu ba Banku Central Timor Leste (BCTL),labele autoriza atu governu foti osan husi fundus mina rai nian.

Tuir Deputadu Arao Noe katak, informasaun dehan governu komesa halo aprosimasaun ho banku atu foti osan husi Fundu mina rai nian ho montante U$ 250 Milloens hodi uza, tanba nee husu ba banku atu labele autoriza karik, la liu husi lei orsamentu jeral estadu no laiha alterasaun ba lei jestaun finanseiru no lei fundu petroliferu.

Hau hanoin governu maka foti duni osan husi fundu mina rai nian maka, ida nee situasaun neebe grave, tanba viola ona lei,”informa Arao Noe ba Jornalista iha Parlamentu Nasional, Kinta, (22/03/2018).

Nia afirma liu tan, haree ba orsamentu dou desimu sei la kobre too 2018 orsamentu jeral estadu aprova.

Iha fatin hanesan Deputadu Francisco Branco hatutan, ema hotu bele kestiona konaba governu atu foti osan husi fundu Mina rai ho montante U$ 250 Milloens,  tanba direitu ema ida idak nian maibe, kestaun sira nee bele kestiona iha aban bain rua, tanba governu foti osan nee atu funsionamentu kamina estadu nian.

Notisia kompletu lee iha jornal edisaun Sesta (23/03/2018)

Madalena Horta/Guilhermina Franco

Arao: VII Governu Diferensa Ho Governu Anterior


DILI – VII governu nee governu jestaun, tanba nee diferensa ho governu anterior,lalos se dehan governu agora laos jestaun.

VII governu  nia programa seidauk aprova iha PN, tanba nee  lao laiha programa, ho nunee governu jestaun laiha kompetensia koardu ruma,” katak Xefe Bankada CNRT Arao Noe ba jornalista iha PN, Kinta, (22/03/2018).

Xefe bankada nee afirma, governu nee jestaun, tanba VII governu moris ho rezultadu eleisaun husi parlamentu, i laos eleisaun direta  hanesan  Prezidente Republika, tanba nee labele sukat governu anterior.

Hatan ba kestaun nee Xefe Bankada Fretilin, Francisco Branco hatete, iha regras neebe mak atu define statutu governu jestaun bele hatete maibe, problema estadu tenke funsiona i  ema hotu lakohi atu estadu nee monu, tanba nee governu nudar administrator jestor estadu TL,  tenke buka forma oin-oin hodi halao jestaun too VIII governu eleitu. 

Notisia kompletu lee iha jornal edisaun Sesta (23/03/2018)

Guilhermina Franco/ Jacinta Sequeira

Remessas são principal fonte não-petrolífera de receitas externas para Timor-Leste - estudos

Díli, 22 mar (Lusa) - As remessas de emigrantes timorenses são hoje a principal fonte de receitas não-petrolíferas do país, com mais de 40 milhões de dólares transferidos para Timor-Leste no ano passado, segundo um estudo divulgado esta semana.

A análise faz parte de um estudo sobre o mercado laboral em Timor-Leste feito pelos académicos Brett Inder e Katy Cornwell, do Centro para Economia de Desenvolvimento e Sustentabilidade, da universidade australiana Monash.

O impacto da emigração timorense é também analisado num artigo do investigador Richard Curtin, do Development Policy Centre, da Universidade Nacional Australiana.

Os dados mostram que em 2017 foram feitas mais de 85 mil transferências para Timor-Leste, o que tornou a mão de obra "a maior exportação" do país, à frente do café, com receitas anuais entre 10 e 20 milhões de dólares, ou do turismo, com receitas de 15 milhões.

O valor é especialmente significativo num país onde o salário mínimo é de cerca de 125 dólares (100 euros) por mês e fora do Estado continua a haver oportunidades muito limitadas de trabalho.

O maior volume de remessas, cerca de 28 milhões de dólares (22,6 milhões de euros), tem origem no Reino Unido - onde as transferências médias rondaram os 401 dólares (324 euros).

Os dados mostram, em grande parte, o que motiva as grandes filas de timorenses que diariamente pedem a nacionalidade portuguesa na Embaixada em Díli - chegando a causar problemas ao funcionamento deste posto consular.

Estima-se que estejam no Reino Unido entre 16 mil e 19 mil timorenses, todos com passaporte português, a trabalhar principalmente em fábricas, armazéns e na limpeza.

Igualmente significativas são as remessas da Coreia do Sul, onde milhares de timorenses estão a trabalhar no âmbito de um programa bilateral de apoio ao trabalho. Neste caso foram enviados para Timor-Leste cerca de 10 milhões de dólares (8 milhões de euros) com a transferência média a ser de 767 dólares (620 euros).

Seguem-se remessas da Austrália (cerca de três milhões; 2,4 milhões de euros), com uma média de 448 dólares (362 euros) por transferência.

As remessas, como nota Curtin, provêm, por isso, tanto de emigrantes normais como de trabalhadores abrangidos por programas de intercâmbio públicos - casos da aCoreia do Sul e Austrália.

ASP. // JH.

Maioria dos timorenses trabalha no pouco produtivo setor da agricultura de subsistência - estudo


Díli, 22 mar (Lusa) - A maioria dos trabalhadores timorenses está envolvida em agricultura de subsistência, setor de atividade com baixos níveis de produtividade e que, por isso, continua a condicionar o combate à pobreza em Timor-Leste, segundo um estudo do mercado laboral timorense.

O estudo, realizado por académicos da universidade australiana de Monash, revela que menos de metade dos adultos trabalha e que o rácio de dependentes - crianças e idosos relativamente ao número de trabalhadores ativos - é de 90%, um dos mais elevados do mundo.

Segundo o estudo, mais de 64% dos trabalhadores estão envolvidos na atividade agrícola, sendo que 95% dessa atividade agrícola continua a ser de subsistência, o que "sugere que quase 60% de todos os trabalhadores estão envolvidos em agricultura de subsistência como a sua principal ocupação laboral".

A análise faz parte de um estudo sobre o mercado laboral em Timor-Leste feito pelos académicos Brett Inder e Katy Cornwell, do Centro para Economia de Desenvolvimento e Sustentabilidade, da universidade australiana Monash.

Globalmente o estudo refere que trabalham em Timor-Leste cerca de 389 mil pessoas, dos quais quase 250 mil são agricultores por conta própria.

O Estado emprega 65.800 pessoas, cerca de 40.700 trabalham por conta própria, 18 mil têm negócios agrícolas ou outros, 5.100 trabalham em organizações não governamentais e cerca de 1.200 em embaixadas ou instituições internacionais.

Comparando a situação com o vizinho mais próximo, a Indonésia, o estudo nota que os timorenses têm um salário mínimo mais elevado (115 dólares comparativamente aos 112 dos indonésios) mas que só 53% dos adultos trabalham (são 66% na Indonésia) e 80% dos empregues estão no setor informal, contra 53% no país ao lado.

De particular destaque é o número de pessoas que dependem dos trabalhadores ativos, que é de 90%, muito mais elevado que a média da região, que ronda os 50%.

O maior grupo de dependentes são crianças, já que 39% da população tem menos de 15 anos, valores acima dos registados em países como o Vietname (23%) ou Laos (35%).

"A relativamente pequena proporção de adultos que trabalham tem que apoiar significativamente mais dependentes que os seus congéneres nos outros países na região. E o elevado número de crianças deixa sérios desafios para os próximos anos. Que tipo de trabalhadores haverá para uma crescente população à procura de trabalho?", questiona o estudo.

O estudo estima que o valor da produção agrícola timorense ronde os 200 milhões de dólares, o que dá um "valor de produção agrícola de cerca de 800 dólares por trabalhador por ano", sendo que o rácio é de um trabalhador por cada três pessoas.

Isso implica que a produção agrícola é de apenas 240 dólares por sessão, nota o estudo, valor que é apenas 40% da linha de pobreza, que é aproximadamente de 600 dólares por ano.

"Se todo o rendimento do setor agrícola for para as famílias de agricultores (sendo que quase de certeza só parte desse rendimento fica com os agricultores), a família média timorense tem que viver com menos de metade da linha da pobreza", nota o estudo.

Daí que o estudo sugira que "transformar o setor agrícola é absolutamente vital" num país onde a maioria da população depende dessa atividade para a sua vida, a par de um maior esforço de diversificação da economia.

Fortalecer as técnicas de produção, uso de mais equipamento, formação e ampliação de mercados são algumas das recomendações do estudo.

ASP. // JH.

GMN TV | Jornal Nacional Kalan

Komunidade Viqueque Entuziazmu Ba EA Maibé Difikulta Hosi Estrada


VIQUEQUE, (TATOLI) - Administradór Postu Administrativu sira iha Munisípiu Viqueque maka hanesan Postu Administrativu Viqueque Vila, Uatulari, Uatucarbau, Lacluta no Ossu preokupa ba estrada sira iha área rurál.

Tuir administradór postu sira katak estrada ligasaun hosi postu administrativu ba suku no aldeia ho kondisaun át ne’ebé difikulta tebes komunidade sira atu partisipa iha eleisaun antesipada (EA).

“Ami iha ne’e entuziazmu tebes atu ba vota maibé problema maka estrada át,” Adminidtradór Postu Administrativu Uatucarbau, Mateus Martins Pinto, Administradór Postu Administrativu Uatulari, Tomás Soares da Silva, Administradór Postu Administrativu Ossu, Augusto de Sousa, Administradór Postu Administrativu Lacluta, José de Andrade dos Santos no Administradór Postu Administrativu Viqueque Vila, António Gregório, levanta kestaun ne’e liuhusi Konsultasaun Programa Sétimu Governu Konstitusionál iha edifísiu Administrasaun Munisípiu Viqueque, Munisípiu Viqueque, Kinta ne’e.

Administradór postu hirak ne’e rekomenda ba Governu atu hadi’a estrada ne’ebé át ho emidiatamente nune’e bele garante tasa partisipasaun eleitór iha eleisaun antesipada.

Entretantu, veteranu balun iha Konsultasaun Programa Governu refere deklara katak sira sei halo esforsu tomak atu mobiliza komunidade para bele ba vota iha eventu demokrátiku ne’ebé mai.

Responde preokupasaun kona-ba estrada, Vise Ministru Obras Públikas, Mariano Renato hateten iha tempu badak nia sei serbisu hamutuk ho órgaun eleitorál sira atu rekolla dadus kona-ba númeru estasaun votasaun iha área rurál.

“Hosi númeru ne’e maka sei indika katak estasaun votasaun hira maka la asesu ba estrada no estrada át nune’e ami bele autoriza Institutu Jestaun Ekipamentu (IJE) para bele loke no hadi’a estrada hodi fasilita komunidade,” Renato informa.

Jornalista: Xisto Freitas | Editór: Manuel Pinto

Turizmu Aventura Sei Lori Ema Deskobre Fatin Ne’ebé Seidauk Bá


DILI, (TATOLI) - Ministru Turizmu, Manuel Vong, apresia inisitiva aventureiru, Atanásio Viana, hodi halo aventura hale’u Timór.

Tuir Vong turizmu aventura ba Timor-Leste hanesan atividade turístika ida ne’ebé lori ema hakarak deskobre fatin hirak ne’ebé maka ema labele bá.

Nune’e mos tipu turístika aventura sei fó perspetiva, vizaun foun bainhira hala’o viajen. Ho ida ne’e aventureiru, Atanásio Viana, nia atividade sei atrai aventureiru barak atu vizita Timor.

“Ha’u admira tebes ho nia inisiativa iha 2014 halo ona depois iha 2015, no 2018 agora halo tan, signifika katak atividade ida ne’e sei dada ema barak liután, aventureiru barak no bele dada turista aventura sira atu mai halo viajen ou vizita iha ita-nia rai no halo atividade turístika ida ne’e”, Vong hatete iha koferénsia imprensa iha Sentru Informasaun Turístika, Bidau-Lesidere, ohin, relasiona ho atividade aventura ne’ebé sei hala’o husi Atanásio iha loron 24-25 marsu ne’e.

Nune’e Ministériu Turizmu (MT) fó apresiasaun boot ba eventu ida ne’e no apoiu ba inisiativa ida ne’e no hein katak sei iha inisiativa sira seluk mak mai husi joven ou grupu sira ne’ebé gosta halo atividade turístika aventureira.

“Turizmu aventura sira ne’e la’ós de’it iha rai, maibé mós iha tasi. Ita uluk iha mós belun ida husi Portugál ne’ebé maka nani husi Ataúru mai to’o Dili no ida ne’e ita seidauk halo filafali. Ita hein katak aban-bainrua sei iha tan mós aventureiru foun atubele halo atividade nani husi Dili bá Ataúru, no sei bele sai hanesan kompetisaun ida bá iha futuru”.

Viajen ida ne’e bele mós promove fatin turístiku sira hodi halo promosaun Timor-Leste hanesan destinu turístiku ida ne’ebé mak atrai ema.

Vong hatutan iha tempu badak sei halo mós lansamentu ba vizita Timor-Leste vinte e trintahanesan atividade ida mós ne’ebé oferese produtu turístiku ida ne’ebé bele fa’an turizmu aventura uza motór.

“Ita iha Tour de Timor ne’ebé uza bisikleta fó volta Timór, agora ita iha tan motorizada, hein katak loron ida mós aventura ho karreta no aventura la’o ain ne’ebé sei fó volta Timor-Leste”.

Atanásio Viana ne’ebé bolu Boy Sabak sei halo atividade turizmu aventura hale’u Timór iha loron rua husi 24-25, maski haree ba kondisaun reál katak terrenu (estrada) Timór iha situasaun grave.

“Ida ne’e mak dezafiu (estrada) ne’ebé mak ha’u buka duni tanba esperiénsia barak ona no dezafiu ne’e mak motiva liután ha’u atubele liu”.

Atubele atinje nia alvu prinsipál katak hale’u Timór iha oras 24 nia laran maka Atanásio halo teste uluk ona ho deskobre dezafiu saida mak hetan iha terrenu ne’ebé hahú iha Janeiru liubá ho mota fó volta durante loron haat no daudaun sei hale’u durante loron rua antes ba to’o Maiu hodi halo atividade ida ne’e ho loron ida de’it.

Jornalista: Maria Auxiliadora | Editór: Manuel Pinto

Imajen: Ministru Turizmu, Manuel Vong partisipa iha konferénsia imprensa iha Sentru Informasaun Turístika, Bidau-Lesidere hamutuk ho Diretór Jerál MT, José Dias Quintas, no aventureiru timoroan, Boy Sabak.

STAE Hahu Verifika Lista ParPol Ba EA


DILI, (TATOLI) – Diretór Jerál Sekretariadu Tékniku Administrasaun Eleitorál (STAE), Acilino Manuel Branco, hateten STAE halo ona verifikasaun ba lista kandidatura partidu polítika (ParPol) sira ne’ebé aprezenta ba Tribunál Rekursu (TR).

“Ami simu ona lista kandidatura partidu polítiku sira hosi Tribunál Rekursu, ami verifika ona tantu hosi partidu bloku koligasaun ho partidu polítiku hirak ne’ebé avansa mesak,” Diretór Jerál STAE ba Ajénsia Tatoli iha Golgota, Comoro, Kinta (22/03) hafoin hasoru malu ho Polisia Nasionál Timor-Leste (PNTL) atu informa kona-ba preparasaun STAE nian ba eleisaun antesipada, nune’e seguransa sira bele asegura prosesu tomak.

Movimentu Dezenvolvimentu Nasionál (MDS), Aliansa Mudansa ba Progresu (AMP), Frente Dezenvolvimentu Demokrátiku (FDD) inklui partidu KOTA, PEP no PR. STAE verifika daudaun.

“STAE to’o agora simu ona lista atu apoiu verifikasaun iha partidu tolu no bloku koligasaun haat,” nia dehan tuir.

Prosesu verifikasaun eleisaun antisipada la demora kompara hanesan eleisaun prezidensiál no lejizlativu ne’ebé mak liu ona. Ho razaun, eleisaun antesipada só verifika lista kandidatura deputadu na’in 90, na’in 65, tama iha lista definitivu no suplente hamutuk na’in 25.

Enkuantu elisaun ne’ebé liu ona tenke verifika mós apoiante sira hamutuk ema na’in 5000, maibé eleisaun agora.

Hosi prosesu verifikasaun, STAE nia elejibilidade ba lista ne’ebé mak tama no sei hato’o ba Tribunál Rekursu ho rezultadu verifikasaun hotu.

Iha parte seluk, partidu Frente Revolusionáriu Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilín), Partidu Demokrátiku (PD) inklui Asosiasaun Sosiál Demokrátiku mak seidauk hato’o ba STAE atu halo verifikasaun, maibé nia garante katak TR sei hatama sedu atu órgaun eleitorál bele verifika lais.

Iha prosesu verifikasaun, bainhira STAE hetan irregularidade ruma mosu sei hato’o ba TR atu fó hatene ba ParPol refere hodi kompleta, durante prosesu verifikasaun iha prazu loron 10. Hafoin ne’e iha tempu ba loron rua TR notifika kuandu iha irregularidade.

Tuir prosedimentu hafoin simu lista kandidatura hosi Tribunál Rekursu (TR), sei iha loron 10 ba TR atu verifika irregularidade tantu iha relasaun ho elejibilidade, TR sei iha tempu atu notifika partidu refere hodi kompleta no ParPol bele halo rekursu no TR sei fó resposta.

Jornalista: Zezito Silva | Editór: Manuel Pinto

Imajen: Diretór Jerál Sekretariadu Tékniku Administrasaun Eleitorál (STAE), Acilino Manuel Branco. Foto STAE

Governu asina Memorandu Entendimentu atu harii eskola téknika aviasaun


Primeiru-Ministru, Marí Alkatiri, iha loron 16 fulan-marsu asina ona memorandu entendimentu ida entre Governu Timor-Leste no kompañia internasionál rua, Mitra Aviasi Perkasa husi Indonézia no Seven Air husi Portugál, hodi harii eskola téknika aviasaun nian ida no halo manutensaun ba aviaun sira iha Rejiaun Administrativa Espesiál Oekusi-Ambenu (RAEOA).

Primeiru-Ministru, iha ninia intervensaun, hateten katak kooperasaun entre empreza rua ne’e, indonézia no portugeza, maka dalan hahú nian ida ba Timor-Leste atu sai hanesan ponte ba interasaun kulturál, hodi hametin ekonomia no dezenvolvimentu.

Marí Alkatiri mós ko’alia liután importánsia husi projetu ida ne’e iha Oekusi ba dezenvolvimentu rejiaun ida ne’ebé mak uluk izoladu tebes, no hateten katak “bainhira iha tinan 2013 ha’u simu dezafiu hodi dezenvolve rejiaun ida iha Timor-Leste, ha’u hili Oekusi tanba karik ita bele dezenvolve Oekusi ita mós bele dezenvolve Timor-Leste tomak”.

Partisipa mós iha serimónia ne’e Embaixadór Portugál, José Machado Vieira, Embaixadór Repúblika Indonézia, Sahat Sitorus, no Prezidente Substitutu Autoridade RAEOA, Arsénio Bano.

Governo TL

Boavista anuncia filial em Timor-Leste


É a sexta representação dos axadrezados no estrangeiro e será presidida por José Ramos Horta

O Boavista anunciou a criação do Boavista Futebol Clube de Timor Leste, a sexta filial dos axadrezados no estrangeiro. A lista inclui Águias de Luxemburgo Boavista Futebol Clube (Luxemburgo), Batuque Futebol Clube (Cabo Verde), Boavista Futebol Clube da Praia (Cabo Verde), Union Sportive Créteil-Lusitanos (França) e Centro Português Cultural e Recreativo de Reutlingen (Alemanha).

O presidente do clube será nada mais nada menos que José Ramos Horta, Prémio Nobel da Paz de 1996 e vai competir na primeira divisão da Liga de Futebol Amadora de Timor Leste.

"Este projeto tem como objetivo principal oferecer mais um espaço e uma oportunidade para o desenvolvimento dos jovens através do desporto, assim como mais um entretenimento para todos. Ficamos gratos por essa parceria fraterna", comentou José Ramos Horta.

Governu Timor-Leste husu auditoria sira ba petrolífera no sistema kadastru timoroan nian


Primeiru-ministru timoroan formaliza ona, iha loron-tersa, pedidu ida hosi auditoria ba "operasaun tomak hosi jestaun finanseiru no konta sira" hosi petrolíferu timoroan Timor Gap, ba autoridade nasional hosi área (ANPM) no ba Serbisu Nasional Kadastru nian, anunsia hosi nia gabinete. 

Pedidu auditoria abranje jestaun ho konta sira hosi Timor Gap, hosi Autoridade Nasional ba Petróleu no Mineral sira Timor-Leste nian (ANPM) no hosi Serbisu Nasional Kadastru nian (SNC) iha períudu relasionadu ho lejislatura ikus ka entre 09 Agostu 2012 to'o 14 Setembru 2017.

Nota ida hosi gabinete Mari Alkatiri nian esplika katak pedidu ne'e mosu tanba pedidu sira hosi loron 06 no 20 Fevereiru ba auditoria sira ba operasaun tomak hosi jestaun finanseiru no konta sira tinan 2016 hosi Autoridade Rejiaun Administrativu Espesial hosi Oecusse-Ambeno (ARAEOA), ne'ebé lidera ona hosi xefe Governu rasik.

Pedidu auditoria ne'e abranje mós Tezouro, Ministériu Obra Públika nian, Transporte ho Komunikasaun, hosi Ajénsia Dezenvolvimentu Nasional (ADN), Fundu Infraestrutura sira no Ministériu Turizmu nian, "alarga mós períudu relasionadu ho lejislatura ikus".

Iha karta sira ne'ebé haruka ba Deolindo dos Santos, prezidente Tribunal Rekursu ho Tribunal Superior Administrativu, Fiskal ho Konta nian, Mari Alkatiri esplika katak pedidu hosi auditoria ne'e hakarak garanti "transparénsia iha administrasaun públika" ho "kultura rigor ida no responsabilizasaun iha jestaun hosi rekursu finanseiru sira Estadu nian".

"Jestaun nasaun nian tenki iha baze, iha momentu tomak, hosi prinsípiu sira rigor nian, transparénsia ho responsabilizasaun. Lahó esepsaun sira", nia hakerek iha karta sira.

SAPO TL ho Lusa

Harii ona asosiasaun dahuluk hodi defende konsumidor iha Timor-Leste

Ema na'in 11 harii ona Tane Konsumidor, asosaisaun dahuluk hodi defende direitu sira konsumidor nian iha Timor-Leste, ne'ebé aprezenta ona iha Díli, iha loron-tersa ne'e, no sei hakotu akordu badak koperasaun nian ho asosiasaun portugeza DECO.

António Ramos, prezidente hosi Tane Konsumidor, esplika ona ba Lusa katak asosiasaun prenxe fatin mamuk maka'as iha Timor-Leste, ne'ebé vendedor sira sasán nian ka funsionáriu serbisu sira nian ignora direitu sira hosi konsumidor sira nian.

Falta garantia, publisidade bosok, lakohi aseita devolusaun, kualidade ladi'ak hosi produtu sira hanesan problema balun ne'ebé hetan iha Timor-Leste, ne'ebé sasán barak ne'ebé la'ós agríkola hanesan importadu.

"Ami hakarak garanti defeza hosi direitu sira no interese lejítimu sira hosi konsumidor. Ami hahú ho membru fundador na'in 11, maibé agora ami sei hahú inskrisaun ba sósiu sira no membru sira seluk", nia hatete.

"Iha parte sira koperasaun nian, ami serbisu hela ho DECO, ami sei iha protokolu kolaborasaun nian ho DECO no formaliza adezaun ba CONSUMARE - Organizasaun Internasional hosi Asosiasaun sira Konsumidor sira hosi nasaun sira, teritóriu sira no rejiaun administrativu sira ho lian ofisial portugeza", nia hatete.

Nia hatete katak hanesan "resposta ida hosi sosiedade sivil" ba nesesidade hodi garanti atu konsumidor sira iha "direitu ba kualidade hosi sasán ho serbisu konsumidu sira, ba informasaun loloos no ba protesaun saúde nian, hosi seguransa no ba sira nia interese ekonómiku, nune'e mós ba reparasaun hosi estraga sira".

Nia esplika katak entre aspetu importante sira iha mós tema sira hanesan "garantia ba saúde hosi produtu sira ne'ebé fa'an, nia konsonánsia ho publisidade ne'ebé aprezenta no kombate hasoru asaun komersial ilegal sira no la lejítimu".

Fornesimentu hosi enerjia elétrika, telekomunikasaun, kombustível sira ho produtu sira hosi konsumu diáriu, hanesan hahán no produtu sira hijiene nian, ne'ebé afeta saúde konsumidor sira nian hanesan aspetu sentral sira.

Maski Estadu iha knaar ida "importante iha área ne'e", sosiedade sivil tenki "fó mós kontributu, independente, kredível no besik ba konsumidor sira", hodi tulun atu ema timoroan sira sai hanesan "konsumidor sira informadu liu, esklaresidu liu, konsiente liu no konfiante liu", hatutan hosi prezidente asosiasaun nian.

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Ministru: Governu timoroan bele foti to'o 250M USD hosi Fundu Petrolíferu


Governu timoroan bele halo levantamentu ida ho folin dolar millaun 200 to'o 250, to'o fulan-Jullu, hosi Fundu Petrolíferu hodi finansia Estadu, maski iha esforsu hosi "kontensaun", hatete hosi ministru Planu ho Finansa ba Lusa.

"Ami mantén esforsu kontensaun ba gastu no ami seidauk hasai buat ida hosi Fundu Petrolíferu. Ami halo hela kálkulu ida to'o fulan-Jullu no ami kalkula katak tenki hasai entre millaun 200 no 250" (entre euro millaun 162 no 202), afirma hosi Rui Gomes.

"Ne'e sei permiti aumenta fundu sira Estadu nian to'o hahú hala'o orsamentu foun", nia refere.

Timor-Leste hala'o rejimi duodésimu hahú hosi inísiu tinan ne'e, impaktu ida entre impaktu sira seluk hosi krizi polítika nasaun nian ne'ebé iha parlamentu disolvidu no ne'ebé sei halo eleisaun antesipadu iha loron 12 Maiu.

Tuir Rui Gomes, Governu buka kontrola to'o máximu gastu públiku sira ne'ebé iha fulan-Janeiru ho fulan-Fevereiru aumenta ba total ida dolar millaun 122 (euro kuaze millaun 99), ka 62% hosi limiti máximu posível iha rejimi duodesimal.

"Iha fulan-Marsu ami antesipa gastu entre millaun 70 no 80 [entre euro millaun 57 no 65] no iha fulan-Abril menus liu. Ami gasta ho rigor tebes", nia refere.

Ministru timoroan konfirma ona katak situasaun polítika hamosu daudaun impaktu iha situasaun ekonómiku, ho nasaun "tama iha resesaun", maski buat hotu aponta de'it hanesan "períudu temporáriu ida".

"Ami bele dezenvolve fali iha fulan-Agostu ka fulan-Setembru bainhira hahú hala'o orsamentu foun", nia hatutan.

Informasaun hosi Ministériu Finansa refere katak iha fulan-Fevereiru ezekusaun maka 88,1% iha saláriu ho vensimentu sira, hosi 39,5% iha sasán ho serbisu sira, hosi 55,3% iha kapital dezenvolvimentu nian, hosi 63,6% iha transferénsia públika no hosi 76,1% iha gastu kontijéntiku nian.

Ba fulan-Marsu, Estadu iha orsamentu ida hosi dolar millaun 104,63 (euro millaun 84,74).

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The Timor-Leste-Australia Maritime Boundary Treaty


Timor-Leste won a great victory on 6 March, when Australia and Timor-Leste signed the Treaty Establishing Their Maritime Boundaries in the Timor Sea (hereinafter, Boundary Treaty). After decades of occupation and struggle, and tens of billions of dollars in extracted petroleum, the Australian government finally accepted its northern neighbor’s sovereign right to a border based on current international law. This article will examine the provisions and implications of that agreement, its historical significance, and what is likely to happen as a result of the precedent-setting Boundary Treaty.

La’o Hamutuk has actively advocated for a fair maritime boundary between Timor-Leste and Australia since we were founded in 2000, and we campaigned against prior agreements between Australia and Timor-Leste (signed in 20022003 and 2006, all to be voided by the Boundary Treaty). However, this article does not discuss the long history of campaigning, manipulation, duplicity and negotiation (1970-2006 or 2013-2018) which led up to the recent agreement. That fascinating story is told in many publications and on our web site; today we are looking at the present and the future.

Australia has finally recognized Timor-Leste’s national sovereignty.

Although Timor-Leste formally restored its independence in May 2002, Australia has long prevented Timor-Leste from settling their common boundary by withdrawing from international dispute resolution mechanisms; deferring or banning boundary discussions in every interim petroleum-sharing treaty; and insisting on outdated, self-serving, “continental shelf” principles based on 75-year-old practices and the illegal Indonesian occupation. For 14 years, Timor-Leste’s leaders conceded to Canberra’s stubbornness by signing several agreements to enable oil and gas production – the principal source of money for this young nation.

However, many Timor-Leste citizens and international supporters believed that the struggle for independence was not complete until the boundaries of the nation were defined. In 2004, Timor-Leste civil society formed the Movement Against the Occupation of the Timor Sea (MKOTT), friends in Australia formed the Timor Sea Justice Campaign, and activists around their world expressed their solidarity with Timor-Leste’s rights. Our principal objections were to Australia's protracted refusal to talk about a maritime boundary, their denial of the now-well-established “median line” principle of drawing a boundary halfway between two coasts, and their unyielding rejection of any third-party dispute resolution by an international court or arbitrator. Beginning in 2013, Timor-Leste’s government added its diplomacy and resources to the people’s struggle.

Australia’s recent change in policy has deeper significance than mere political and petroleum exhaustion, or even the need to appear less hypocritical when they tell China to obey international law in the South China Sea. From the perspective of many in Timor-Leste and in Australia, this is a significant, hard-fought, victory. We hope that it marks a new era in which “our nations will both benefit when our bond is based on equality, including full recognition of each other’s people, rights and national sovereignty.”

The Boundary Treaty itself

Previous arrangements

The black line on the map represents the 1972 Australia-Indonesia seabed boundary treaty. That boundary is closer to Indonesia (and to Timor-Leste) than it is to Australia, and remains in force. The “Timor Gap” in the line (the yellow area recently called the Joint Petroleum Development Area) is because Portugal declined to participate in the negotiations, and the 1972 treaty recognized that the Gap’s endpoints may have to be adjusted based on future negotiations with Portuguese Timor or its successor.

The yellow area on the map is the Joint Petroleum Development Area (JPDA), which was divided 50-50 between Indonesia and Australia from 1991 to 1999, and 90-10 between Timor-Leste and Australia since the 2002 Timor Sea Treaty. Under the Boundary Treaty nearly all of it belongs 100% to Timor-Leste, although Australia will not pay back the $2.4 billion it took in from oil and gas fields in this area since 1999. (Timor-Leste has received about $21.4 billion.) The JPDA’s edges delimit a petroleum revenue sharing zone, not national territory, although its southern edge is close to the median line between Australia and Timor-Leste.

The light green and pink area is the “Sunrise Unitized Area” defined in a 2003 International Unitization Agreement (IUA) between Australia and Timor-Leste [1]. According to the 2002 treaty, Timor-Leste would get 18% of Sunrise extraction (“upstream”) revenues; this was increased to 50% by the 2006 CMATS Treaty (which was revoked last year), and to 70% or 80% (depending on where the pipeline goes) by the Boundary Treaty.

The Boundary Treaty replaces the Timor Sea Treaty and the Sunrise Unitization Agreement, which join CMATS in the rubbish bin. However, it includes some articles to fulfill functions of these now-defunct agreements, covering governance, revenue-sharing, applicable laws and other topics.

Conciliation leads to compromise

Australia withdrew from international maritime boundary dispute resolution processes two months before Timor-Leste became independent in 2002 to avoid legal accountability. However, they overlooked a never-used mechanism in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS, signed in 1982, ratified by Australia in 1994 and by Timor-Leste in 2013). UNCLOS Article 298 and Annex V describe a compulsory conciliation process through which one nation can bring an unwilling neighbor into bilateral boundary discussions which are facilitated by a team of expert “conciliators” appointed by both sides, under United Nations auspices. The conciliators have no power to make binding decisions; all they do is encourage the parties to listen and respond to each other.

Timor-Leste initiated this process in April 2016 and, although Australia initially resisted, they accepted it by September. At the start of the conciliation, each side stated its claim; Timor-Leste’s is red on the map, and Australia’s is orange. The conciliators started out like marriage counselors, separately listening to each party’s needs and concerns and relaying them to the other party, while the two sides sat in separate rooms.

The process took a year and a half, with 13 negotiating sessions in six cities on four continents. In August 2017, Australia and Timor-Leste agreed on the overall outlines of a boundary and brought in the oil companies to help decide how Greater Sunrise would be developed. Although that question remains unresolved, the Boundary Treaty was signed in March 2018 and is pending ratification by both countries.

Scholars of and participants in peaceful mechanisms for resolving international disputes are elated that the conciliation mechanism, which lay dormant for more than three decades, has proved its worth. Once again, Timor-Leste has made history.

The newly-established boundary

Although conciliation was under UNCLOS provisions and the outcome complies with the Law of the Sea, the Boundary Treaty is not a legal ruling handed down by a court or arbitrator. It evolved through diplomatic give-and-take by each government, who argued based on their political, legal, economic and historical preferences. Although the conciliators facilitated the negotiations and encouraged compliance with international law, all decisions were made by the two governments. The final boundary compromise, shown as purple and white lines on the map, largely reflects Timor-Leste’s median line claim for the southern part of the boundary (putting all petroleum-containing areas of the JPDA into Timor-Leste’s territory), while drawing lines in between the two nations’ claims for the lateral boundaries on both sides. It delineates each country’s seabed (“continental shelf”) and water column (“Exclusive Economic Zone - EEZ”) areas, although Timor-Leste’s eastern and western water column boundaries are still to be negotiated with Indonesia.

Three oil and gas fields have been commercially developed in the JPDA: Elang-Kakatua was shut down in 2007, Kitan closed in 2015, and Bayu-Undan has 2-3 years of remaining production. Australia received 10% of their revenues. Many other exploration contracts have been signed and relinquished in other areas of the JPDA, and seventy test wells have been drilled over the last three decades, so that it is unlikely that significant, commercially-viable, oil and gas reserves (other than Greater Sunrise) are yet to be discovered.

All government revenues from fields in the JPDA will go to Timor-Leste once the treaty is ratified, which could increase Dili's take by about $100 million from Bayu-Undan’s last puddles of oil and gas. In the unlikely event that production is restarted at Kitan or Elang-Kakatua, or that the small Kuda Tasi or Jahal oil fields are developed, Timor-Leste will get all the taxes and royalties (after the companies recover their capital investment, operating costs and profits).

On the western side of the JPDA, the southern part of the (white) lateral boundary is further west than the edge of the JPDA. As a result, the small Buffalo field, formerly considered to be in Australian waters, now belongs to Timor-Leste. Buffalo produced 20 million barrels of oil from 1999 until it was decommissioned in 2005, and Australia will keep its revenues from that time. In 2016, a new contract was signed with the Carnarvon company, which believes that can use modern technology to extract about 30 million more barrels. If Carnarvon’s estimates are correct, Buffalo could generate $500 million or more for Timor-Leste over the next decade.

The larger Laminaria-Corallina oil field, which has already yielded more than $2 billion in revenues for Australia and is still in production (but nearing the end of its life), remains in Australian waters. However, the new Treaty provides for moving the northern part of the western lateral further west after Laminaria-Corallina is decommissioned, in order to line up with a future Indonesia-Timor-Leste maritime boundary line. Once again, money already taken by Canberra will not be returned.

On the other side, the central part of the eastern edge of the JPDA has moved outwards, placing more of Greater Sunrise and the area south of it in Timor-Leste’s waters. For the moment, a (white) line has been drawn through the Sunrise Unified Area, placing the northwestern 30% of the field in Australian waters, and the remaining part in Timor-Leste. As the field is still in both countries, it will be managed jointly; both Timor-Leste and Australia need to agree on how it will be developed. The Treaty and conciliators offered several inducements for Timor-Leste to accept a pipeline from Sunrise to the soon-to-be-idle LNG plant which has been processing gas from Bayu-Undan in Darwin, including increasing Timor-Leste’s share of Sunrise revenue from 70% to 80%, but Dili politicians have strongly rejected this option.

As on the west, the eastern lateral is provisional. After Sunrise has been extracted and decommissioned, it will be shifted further east to line up with a future Timor-Leste-Indonesia maritime boundary. In a few decades, all of the (now empty) Sunrise area could be in Timor-Leste’s territory.

Governance agreements and Greater Sunrise

The new Treaty re-authorizes the existence of the “Designated Authority” (DA) created by the Timor Sea Treaty, which has been the Timor Sea Designated Authority (TSDA, 2002-2009), National Petroleum Authority (ANP, 2009-2015), and National Petroleum and Minerals Authority (ANPM, 2015-present). This is a regulatory body which signs contracts and oversees petroleum operations in Timor-Leste and jointly administered land and sea territory, as well as encouraging further development. [2]

Because the Sunrise Unitized Area is still under bi-national oversight, the DA’s work in this area is overseen by a “Governance Board” (GB) made of two representatives appointed by Timor-Leste and one by Australia, which is tasked with deciding the most important “Strategic Issues” relating to the Sunrise project. As the GB decides by consensus, its numeric makeup is not important. If the GB is unable to agree on a Strategic Issue, the DA or the Sunrise contractors may refer it to a Dispute Resolution Committee (DRC) consisting of one representative of each country and a third member chosen by the other two. [3]

The Sunrise Joint Venture (Woodside, ConocoPhillips, Shell and Osaka Gas) currently holds two contracts with Australia and two with Timor-Leste for different parts of the Sunrise Unit Area. Under the new Treaty, these four contracts will be replaced by a single one between the Designated Authority and the Sunrise Joint Venture (SJV). [4]

During the conciliation process, the parties had hoped to agree on a Sunrise Development Concept (the basic outline of how Sunrise is to be developed, including the location of the pipeline and LNG plant) before the Boundary Treaty was signed, but this did not happen. Annex B of the Treaty, which defines a Special Regime for Greater Sunrise, refers to “the approved Development Concept” three times, but does not explain how such a Concept is to be approved. This decision, which presumably needs the consent of both governments and the Sunrise Joint Venture, is essential to proceeding with the project.

In 2008, La’o Hamutuk wrote a book Sunrise LNG in Timor-Leste: Dreams, Realities and Challenges (also PDF), much of which is still accurate (except for the fiscal analysis). A detailed assessment of whether it would be good for the people of Timor-Leste to construct a pipeline from Sunrise to an LNG plant in Beaçu and to build the other components of the Tasi Mane Project, is beyond the scope of this article. The currently politicized controversy, with accusations and disinformation, does not lend itself to rational discussion.

Regardless of how Sunrise is eventually developed, La’o Hamutuk is concerned that exaggerated promises of vast revenues and economic benefits may distract from the urgent need to diversify Timor-Leste’s economy away from oil and gas exports and processing. Even according to the most optimistic credible projections, Sunrise will only finance Timor-Leste’s state and economy for less than one generation. We owe it to our children and grandchildren to think further ahead.

Before a Sunrise decision is made, Timor-Leste needs to thoroughly and objectively weigh the financial, economic, environmental and social benefits, costs and risks, including realistic projections of Timorese jobs and spinoff contracts from an LNG plant, as well as the incentives recommended by the Conciliation Commission. Although many studies have been done, none of the published ones we have seen provide accurate and unbiased analysis. We urge that Sunrise be developed to serve the best interests of the people of this country, rather than those of a particular oil company, political faction, or region. The decision is too important to be swayed by emotional, political or personal considerations.

What happens now?

Closed-door discussions will continue on the Sunrise Development Concept, and the transitional arrangements for the Bayu-Undan and Kitan contracts will be implemented.

Before the Boundary Treaty becomes legally effective, it must be ratified by both countries. Until then, Australia will continue to receive 10% of Bayu-Undan revenues (about $4 million per month).

Timor-Leste’s National Parliament has been dissolved, and the new Parliament will not take office before June, with the Eighth Constitutional Government a month or two later. Timor-Leste’s new Council of Ministers and Parliament will probably ratify the Boundary Treaty within two months after that, and we encourage public consultations and careful analysis for consistency with Timor-Leste law.

Australia’s process could take six months, and requires a Parliamentary Inquiry and public hearings by the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties. We hope that there will be no unnecessary delays.

Timor-Leste will resume negotiating its maritime boundary with Indonesia this year, and it should be easier than with Australia because there is probably no oil and gas under potentially contested areas. Once this is settled, Australia and Indonesia will be able to amend and finally ratify their draft 1997 water column boundary (EEZ) treaty, establishing security and economic rights over their respective water surfaces and fisheries.

However, nothing in the new Australia-Timor-Leste Boundary Treaty disturbs the Australia-Indonesia Seabed Treaty which has been in effect for 46 years. Although some people in Indonesia believe that the older treaty was unfair, Australia has no legal obligation to renegotiate it. Timor-Leste and Australia kept Indonesia informed throughout the recent process, and Jakarta has not objected.

After Timor-Leste and Indonesia have settled their seabed and water column boundaries, and after all the oil and gas in relevant areas has been extracted, the lateral lines of the new Australia-Timor-Leste boundary will be adjusted to line up with the Indonesia boundary.

Article 10 of the new Boundary Treaty says that Timor-Leste shall not “have a claim for compensation” for money collected by Australia under prior treaties and agreements, which totals around five billion dollars. However, nothing in the Treaty prevents Australia from voluntarily returning this stolen money to Timor-Leste. The preamble of the Treaty mentions “promoting Timor-Leste’s economic development” and being “good neighbors and in a spirit of cooperation and friendship … in order to achieve an equitable solution.” In this new spirit of mutual respect, it would be appropriate for Australia to give back what it took during the nearly three decades since it signed the Timor Gap Treaty in order to profit from Indonesia’s brutal and illegal occupation of Timor-Leste.

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[1]   Unitization is applied when an oil or gas field straddles a boundary in order to avoid disputes over which side a given molecule of petroleum originated on.
[2]   La’o Hamutuk is concerned that Article 6.2(c) of the new Boundary Treaty, which allows the Designated Authority (DA) to keep fees it collects from oil companies, contradicts RDTL Petroleum Fund Law No. 9/2005, which requires that all petroleum-related revenues be deposited into the Petroleum Fund. This was convenient when the first DA was first created before the Petroleum Fund Law was in force, but it is no longer appropriate or legal. Although the technicalities of this issue were considered by the Court of Appeals in Proc. 01/Const/09/TR, it should be re-evaluated before the DA is re-created, in light of the good petroleum governance that Timor-Leste’s Petroleum Fund was designed for.
[3]  People with “any direct commercial or financial interest” in the operation of the Sunrise project or whose appointment “would create any reasonable perception of, or actual, conflict of interest” cannot serve on the Governance Board or Dispute Resolution Committee.
[4] The existing Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs) for Bayu-Undan and Greater Sunrise, which were signed in 2003, have never been made public. However, according to Article 30.1(a)(1) ofRDTL Petroleum Activities Law No. 13/2005 such contracts are public documents, and all PSCs signed since then are available. The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) standard that Timor-Leste complies with also requires contract transparency.

      In October 2017, Timor-Leste and Australia exchanged letters committing to revise the Bayu-Undan and Kitan PSCs. The Treaty says that the contract for Buffalo will be replaced, and a new Sunrise PSC will be signed. The companies and the fiscal terms of the contracts will remain as before, although there may be some alterations to comply with the new Treaty and changes in other laws. La’o Hamutuk is concerned that contract transparency is not mentioned in any of the recent bilateral agreements. Although the Boundary Treaty doesn't explicitly violate Timor-Leste law in this area, it fails to inform Australia and the oil companies that the contracts will be made public.

     Everyone familiar with Timor-Leste Petroleum Law (including the companies who participate in EITI) knows that contract transparency is mandatory, and we expect that the new Bayu-Undan, Greater Sunrise, Kitan and Buffalo contracts will be published. It would be a shame -- as well as an insult to RDTL national sovereignty -- if Article 9.2 of the new Treaty (“no effect on rights and obligations arising under the Timor Sea Treaty and IUA”, both of which predated Timor-Leste’s legislation) were used to justify continuing violation of transparency requirements. Timor-Leste is proud of its transparent system of managing petroleum development and revenues, and neither Australia nor the oil companies should be allowed to sabotage it.

Relevant documents (chronological order)
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea  (also PDF) done at Montego Bay on 10 December 1982 (signatories)
Australia-Indonesia Timor Gap Treaty (11 December 1989). Establishes Zone of Cooperation (later JPDA) for joint exploration; illegally shares occupied territory of RDTL.
Australia's unilateral withdrawal from maritime boundary dispute resolution mechanisms (March 2002)
Timor Sea Treaty and Exchange of Notes (signed and effective May 2002, lapses with 2018 Boundary Treaty)
Sunrise International Unitization Agreement (signed March 2003, entered into force February 2007, lapses with 2018 Boundary Treaty)  (also Portuguese)
CMATS Treaty (signed January 2006, entered into force February 2007, terminated April 2017)  (Printable PDF)  (also Portuguese)
Boundary Treaty (signed March 2018, yet to be ratified)  (also Portuguese)